Coronations are like British buses: you wait ages for one, and then two come along at once. More eyes may have been on London last Saturday, but as the world watched the pageantry of another Windsor receiving their birthright, the CSU (Christlich-Soziale Union) Parteitag convened in Nürnberg to offer their own throne to their king, Markus Söder. Far away from the grey skies and regular downpours in London, the trappings of Bavarian power were handed to Söder under the industrial lighting of a conference hall, with his party pledging their fealty via a unanimous vote of support.

Few can ever really know what goes through the mind of a monarch as they’re crowned. There are only 26 monarchies around the world, meaning that there are 25 other people who could sympathise with King Charles III. Although Bavaria hasn’t officially had a king since 1918, Söder may be one of those who understands, since becoming leader of the CSU may be the closest thing any politician in Germany may get to becoming part of a hereditary dynasty. In a state that has returned a CSU government in every election since 1957, anyone being made CSU leader is effectively guaranteed the keys to the ministerial residence, Prinz-Carl-Palais, and to Bavaria.

This success is partially explained by the CSU being the only major party in the German system to represent the interests of one single state, Bavaria. Keeping the party dominant isn’t just a state concern, it’s a national one too. Having a party in the Bundestag with the sole aim to argue for the interests of Bavarians gives the southern state a lot of leverage, which is only enhanced by its relationship with its sister party the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union), Germany’s main centre right grouping, and the most successful political party in Germany’s modern history. Should Bavarian voters opt for their traditional party, as they often do, they find their voices heard much louder in the corridors of power. This alone could be a compelling argument for keeping the CSU in place as the governing party of Freistaat Bayern.

The dominance of the CSU has shaped the politics of the state, but also impacted perceptions of Bavaria. The party of Markus Söder represents the most conservative of conservative positions (the only party further right being the AfD), and as their name suggests, they represent a particular brand of Catholic values. Bavarians have consistently voted this hyper conservative party into power since the 50s, which in turn has created the sense that Bayern as a state is at best very traditional, and at worst, backwards and old fashioned. Moreover, the fact that there’s a party, who’s only focus seems to be getting the best for one state out of 16, serves to create the sense that Bavaria sees itself as different, special, possibly even better, than all the other Bundesländer.

Whether this is true or not, the CSU certainly think so. Any speech given from members or candidates will often reference how great Bavaria is, how different it is from the rest of Germany, and how, above all other policies, Bavaria should be kept the same for the rest of all time. Söder said as much himself as he accepted the nomination of his party on Saturday, stating that other Bavarian parties want to change the state, whereas his party wants only to keep it the same as it’s always been. Election after election sees Wahlprogramme that pledge to preserve Bavarian culture, as if it is under continual attack from outside. In fairness, the feeling of being under threat comes naturally to those who see any modern development, any form of progress, as an inherent negative. This fostering of a continuous siege mentality, against threats, real or imagined, is another reason why the CSU meets with such unprecedented success.

While voters and members of the CSU may believe that Bavaria is different from the rest of Germany, is that really true? In a predominantly conservative leaning country, at least from the voting history, it would seem that the most conservative state reflects the national political reality. Additionally, the regional nature of Germany combined with federal legislatures would suggest that all parts of the country are some way different from each other, yet it’s usually only Bavaria that suffers the insult, or possibly compliment, of being considered the least German part of Germany. In some instances it is said that Bavaria has more in common with Austria than with the rest of the federal republic. Even within the state there are differences. Some Bavarians will tell you they’re not really Bavarian, claiming to be Frankisch or Swabian, while others in the north of the state will claim it is the southern part of Bavaria that is the real problem. It is claimed, half jokingly, that an invisible line, named the Weißwurstäquator (after the famous Bavarian white sausage), marks the difference between Germany and pseudo-German Bavaria.

However, perception is reality, and for many Germans both inside and outside Bavaria, the state is unlike any other, not only for having its own political party, but a totally unique culture as well. It’s hard to argue against this, after all, the varied traditions of Bayern, the Lederhosen, Oktoberfest, Weisswurst, the rural sensibilities, the variety of traditional festivals, the Blasmusik, all indicate that Bavaria is a different animal.

The differences aren’t all cultural though. The wealth of the state, second only to the most populous state Nordrhein-Westfalen, is a telling detail. It’s also one of the safest states to live in, with some of the safest cities in Germany located in Bavaria. Employment figures, when compared to other Bundesländer, are frequently the highest in the country, in part because so many major companies have headquarters or major centres of manufacturing located there. Many of the cars produced in Germany are made in the south, which provides work and no small sense of pride.

All of this combined together explains why Bavarian voters continually opt for the CSU at the ballot box. Who wouldn’t want to retain the wealth, the high employment, the lack of crime? When Söder says he wants to keep things the same, it is these points he hopes voters remember. Yet, how long can the unchanging state remain in stasis? Numerous external forces, from the climate crisis, energy transitions, or the advance of AI, will continue to exert increasing amounts of pressure. You would hope that these realities might permeate the hard shell of eternal intransigence, that there would be a plan of how to move forward.

However, going by Söder’s speech on Saturday, the plan remains the same - keep Bavaria as it is, locked in blue & white amber. Instead of setting out plans for the future, Söder spent almost two hours attacking the German government, on policy after policy, while at the same time warping reality with a litany of oversimplifications and falsities. There were no new polices, the only new thing on show was the particular brand of culture war that is slowly manifesting across the country. The party faithful in Nürnberg lapped it up, and given the polling, it may do well with voters too. Who needs policies anyway? The CSU intends on keeping things the same, and that’s better than any new policy after all.

The danger, of course, is obvious. Culture wars, as attractive as they might be to those without vision, don’t really matter when the realities of the world come knocking. Without serious consideration, issues such as housing, childcare, energy, education - all areas that need serious attention - will only continue to deteriorate. Stability is never enough, it never has been. Germany as a country decided to pause itself under successive administrations led by Angela Merkel, and we suddenly found ourselves with a crumbling infrastructure, and a war in Europe. Markus Söder may well find himself in power once more, but he better have a plan, otherwise the next five years may see change come to his state, whether he likes it or not.

Proofreader: @ScandiTina

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